La copertina del New York Times del 4 marzo 2013
Ed ecco l’articolo.
ROME — A populist with wild hair, a booming voice and untucked shirts, Beppe Grillo now holds the fate of Italy — and to some extent Europe — in his hands.
After winning a quarter of the votes in last week’s national election, Mr. Grillo, a comedian turned activist, is being courted by Italy’s traditional political players, but having thumbed his nose at them for years, he is having none of it. He has ruled out such alliances, throwing Italian politics into a logjam.
He refers to former Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi, who sought a return to power, as “the psycho dwarf” and has steadfastly rejected appeals by Pier Luigi Bersani, the leader of the center-left Democratic Party, to join forces to govern, dismissing him as “a dead man walking.”
In a rare interview at his seaside home in Marina di Bibbona on Sunday, Mr. Grillo said it would be “inadmissible” for him to ensure the stability of a future Italian government. “It would be like Napoleon making a deal with Wellington.”
Barefoot and wearing faded jeans and a gray T-shirt with an image of Gandhi, he said his goal was to do away with a system that had “disintegrated the country” and build “something new” that would restore Italy to a true participatory democracy. “We can change everything in the hands of respectable people, but the existing political class must be expelled immediately,” he said.
Mr. Grillo typifies a new style of politician rising from the fires of the European Union’s long-running economic crisis and voter discontent in other countries. Like Alexis Tsipras, the young upstart in Greece who rode an anti-austerity wave to head the second-largest parliamentary party, or Yair Lapid, who tapped into a national frustration with social inequality in Israel, these politicians are not extremists but generally reformist leftists.
In refusing to play ball with the establishment powers, whom they consider irredeemably corrupt, the newcomers are fraying nerves in Brussels and Berlin.
“There is the sense that the European project is at risk with what happens in Italy if Grillo blames the E.U. for problems along with Germany, the enforcer,” said Moisés Naím, a senior associate at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace in Washington. “If he gets away with that, other politicians will also do it, and there may be contagion.”
Now that his political crusade, called the Five Star Movement, has been handed a powerful mandate, Mr. Grillo’s challenge will be to decide how to use it to change an establishment that has long viewed him as a demagogic, even reckless, man who risks taking Italy down the path of Greece.
Mr. Grillo rejected those charges in the interview, in which his at-home persona bore little resemblance to the inflammatory populist whipping up crowds into an indignant rage. “How can we be accused of destroying something that’s already destroyed?” he said, speaking in measured tones. “They’ve devoured the country, and now they can’t govern.”
Over the years, he has gathered huge followings after being barred from Italian television in the 1980s for mocking corrupt politicians. With a background in accounting, he has also taken on scandal-ridden businesses that have cost shareholders and taxpayers spectacular amounts through mismanagement, including the Parmalat dairy empire, Telecom Italia and the bank Monte dei Paschi di Siena.
His biggest edge, however, has been exploiting the power of the Internet and social media to get his message out. When he started a political blog in 2005, people logged in by the millions to engage in debate.
Buoyed by the momentum, he formed his Five Star Movement a little more than three years ago, based on a manifesto of improving public water, transportation, development, Internet connection and availability, and the environment.
Soon, Five Star candidates, known in the press as Grillini, began making a mark in local elections, grabbing seats in the legislatures of the Sicily region and in the city of Parma by addressing issues that embedded politicians rarely took on.
Candidates — mostly eager professionals younger than 45 — post videos and profiles of themselves on Mr. Grillo’s blog and are then chosen through an online vote. Ethics standards are strict: No criminal record or previous political affiliations are permitted. Doing without official cars and other perks of office is a must. Lawmakers must quit after two terms and may keep only a small percentage of the monthly salary that Italian elected representatives typically earn. The rest will most likely be put into a fund for small and medium businesses planning to expand and create jobs.
Before the national vote, the most striking success had come in Sicily, where the party won 15 of 90 seats in the regional assembly in October. It has since scored some legislative victories on critical issues in the party’s platform, largely by backing proposals sought by the movement’s members, regardless of which party makes them, said Francesco Cappello, the party’s deputy leader there.
Recently, for instance, lawmakers approved a plan by the Democratic Party to halt a costly public works contract for a bridge over the Strait of Messina, which divides Sicily from the mainland. Mr. Grillo, in a wet suit, swam it in October in one hour, a stunt he said had shown why the bridge was hardly needed.
Such tactics may be effective at shifting legislative agendas at a regional level. But maneuvering in the political shark tank of Rome will require a different approach.
The party “has the problems of a movement that grew quickly,” said Roberto Biorcio, a sociology professor at Bicocca University in Milan and an author of a recent book about the Five Star Movement. “So there will be some issues of inexperience.”
Mirella Liuzzi, 27, an expert on social media, is one of the 180 Grillini who will enter the lower house in Rome soon. She said she was looking forward to standing in Parliament, but acknowledged that it would be “a tough mandate.” Already, the movement’s voters are begging her not to disappoint them, she said.
On Sunday, all of the newly elected Grillini kicked off several days of meetings in Rome to learn about lawmaking.
“Even if it isn’t a political party, it will have to do the sorts of things that a political party normally does,” Mr. Biorcio said.
In the interview, Mr. Grillo said the movement would try to develop a consensus platform through discussion and set out legislative goals by May. Among the top measures is a so-called citizenship salary, a type of unemployment insurance for hard-hit Italians. Policies would be funded by cutting waste, corruption and rampant political spending. Further savings would come from withdrawing Italian forces from Afghanistan, capping state pensions at 5,000 euros a month and overturning tax amnesties, among other steps.
The big question is still whether Five Star lawmakers will simply be reactive and prone to blocking legislation they deem unfavorable. After Mr. Grillo refused to ally the movement with other parties, his detractors pointed out that most of his talk involves pulling down rather than building up.
His stance has rekindled fears that Italy may pivot back toward the center of the euro crisis, which Mr. Grillo blames for worsening the lives of ordinary Italians. He has called for a nationwide referendum on whether Italy should remain in the euro zone, and declared the spread between yields on Italy’s and Germany’s bonds a “hallucination” — a claim that rings hollow while thousands of small businesses are closing weekly as foreign investors drive up interest rates to reflect political uncertainty.
The departing prime minister, Mario Monti, saved Italy — at least temporarily — from having to ask for an international bailout. The risk is that Mr. Grillo has the effect of reversing those gains, making the situation harder for the people he is fighting for.
Mr. Grillo brushed off those concerns. Markets would respond positively, he said, “if we work with transparency and serenely, if we are honest and abolish conflict of interest, and pass laws against criminality, and if we support small and medium businesses and transform Italy into a community.”
Back in Sicily, Rosario Crocetta, the region’s center-left president, said he was skeptical about Mr. Grillo’s ability to guide the movement’s legislators in Rome.
“The time has come for Grillo to decide whether he is the pied piper of a protest movement that is an end to itself, or take on the institutional responsibilities for which he asked citizens for a mandate,” Mr. Crocetta said. “He has to show voters whether he was elected to help the country, or to lead it into chaos.”
